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“At present, we are concerned with a question which has immense
importance for the Party now and for the future – with how the cult
of the person of Stalin has been gradually growing, the cult which
became at a certain specific stage the source of a whole series of
exceedingly serious and grave perversions of Party principles, of
Party democracy, of revolutionary legality”
(Khrushchev
1956). When these words were delivered by Khrushchev to a closed
session at the Twentieth Party Congress on February 1956, it was
clear that there would be a great change in the system of the Soviet
Union. The denunciation of Stalin, and the repudiation of a number
of his policies, would begin a process of reform that affected all
aspects of Soviet life. No factors were left unaltered, as the
dismantling of the cult of personality allowed reforms in terms of
state coercion and terror, socialist legality, the arts and culture,
the economy, foreign policy and the standard of living of Soviet
citizens.
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However, whilst
acknowledging the successes of Khrushchev’s potentially
groundbreaking policy, this essay will argue that there were too
many limitations, and de-Stalinisation could not be implemented to
the extent that was anticipated. Due to these limitations, the
system was not fundamentally changed, and the Stalinist legacy
remained both during and following Khrushchev’s era of dominance.
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In order to
assess Khrushchev’s successes the aims of de-stalinisation must
first be identified. By damaging the legality of the revolution, a
result of transferring legitimacy from the original ideology towards
his own person, Stalin had left no indication on which direction the
Soviet Union should follow after his death (Tompson 1993: 83).
However, through undermining the cult of personality that had
surrounded Stalin, Khrushchev affirmed a movement towards collective
leadership and a return to Leninist principles (Volkogonov 1999:
204) (McCauley 1986: 168). Therefore de-Stalinisation was required
in order to re-establish the authority of the Communist party and
Lenin, by moving away from the tyranny that was Stalin’s legacy
(Filtzer 1993: 44) (Tompson 1993: 85).
As well as the
problems of future leadership, the Soviet Union was facing economic
difficulties, both agricultural and industrial, as a result of
dissatisfaction and stagnation (Filtzer 1993: 13). In order to
remedy these problems, Khrushchev had to explain the failures of the
system, in order to justify advocating radical reforms, balancing
the economy and renewing the mobilization of the people through a
relatively limited liberalization and a developing standard of
living (McCauley 1987: 3) (Lynch 1990: 101). The only way to enact
these reforms, and move the country into a more progressive
direction without risking the legitimacy of the party was to
undermine Stalin’s role, using his failures as an explanation.
The undermining
of Stalin’s legacy also enabled Khrushchev to attempt the alteration
of foreign policy, by seeking a change in the relationship with
Eastern Europe, and pursuing peaceful coexistence with the West
(Service 2007: 311-312) (Lynch 1990: 101). However, Khrushchev’s
aims were not consistently selfless, as de-Stalinisation was also a
tool that could assist in removing political rivals, who were more
affiliated with Stalin, in order to progress his own powers
(McCauley 1987: 3) (Chubarov 2001: 135).
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