|
|
|

|

"The Powers That Be"
(1995 poster)
|
|
Yet attracting foreign investment, as well as reducing the influence
of cronyism in Russia, necessitated judicial reform as well as a
concerted effort to reduce corruption. Dealing with the after
effects of the Soviet period in this case would be attempting to
change a systemic distrust of lawyers, where they were considered
unimportant and consequently badly paid. This practice had the
consequence of carrying through into the Yeltsin period, with
harmful consequences to the establishment of a law based society.
Consequently when combined these inevitably led to a system where
the judiciary was thoroughly compromised and subject to bribery.
While this was recognised under Yel’tsin’s terms as president, there
was no dedicated law passed to counter this due to fears of a
‘draconian’ state (Holmes; 2008, p1021).
|
Initial responses by Putin were to declare a ‘dictatorship of the
law’, thus making clear his intention to reassert legality over a
chaotic, fragmented system that strayed from the adopted
constitution in 1993 to varying degrees depending on the region in
question. To counter corruption among the judiciary, patently
the status of the judiciary needed to be raised. Pay grades
were raised four fold, and to counter the backlog of cases their
numbers were raised from 16,000 to 20,000 (Sakwa; 2008, p75).
Obviously this necessitated an increase in state revenue in order to
properly fund this expansion. This provided an incentive to
avoid taking bribes, namely from the organised criminal elements
operating in considerable numbers and aided by a decade of relative
lawlessness.
However issues
remain as to the extent to which these reforms have taken effect.
Is his final press conference Putin described the fight against
corruption as one of the most ‘wearying and difficult’ issues to
resolve (Holmes; 2008, p1011). While contract killings of prominent
businessmen and journalists have been significantly reduced, it is
still a visible phenomena, prominently Anna Politkovskaya in 2006.
However in the international community the Russian legal framework
is still viewed as corrupt by many, with both the CPI and Free
House’s analysis of corruption perception placing Russia low in
their ranking system (Holmes; 2008, p 1016-17). Yet despite this
many Western firms still embark on joint ventures with Russia,
suggesting that while corruption is seen as a problem it is not too
bad as to interfere with business arrangements.
What can still be
seen on the other hand is a disregard by Putin during his presidency
for the course of due process. The seizure of key property of the
oligarchs Berezovskii, Gusinskii and Khodorkovskii has been linked
to the USSR’s system of condemning political dissidents, and clearly
violates article 19 of the constitution with regard to equal
treatment before the law (White; 2005, p144-5). That the oligarchs
generally achieved their status through semi legal or illegal means
is not questioned; what is in doubt is whether Putin has acted
properly in the use of the power of Russia’s strong executive in
order to remove these men from their influential position. This has
led to the concerns about respect for property rights, which is the
cornerstone of Western based liberal market capitalism, and has
potentially limited the extent of foreign investment, which is
necessary for realising Putin’s stated objectives to achieve growth
rates of 10% per year, given the relative lack of manufacturing
industry.
|
 |
|
 |
Copyrighted
material
|
|
|
|