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stalin抯 policy of forced collectivization of the countryside,
launched at the end of 1929, was designed to overcome this obstacle
by destroying the private sector in agriculture and putting the
countryside under his unrestrained control. his collectivization of
agriculture sought to achieve two interconnected objectives: one was
political and the other, socioeconomic. politically,
collectivization was to solve once and for all the vexing problem of
the persistence of 揷apitalist elements?in the village embodied in
small individual farming. it allowed the regime to 搇iquidate the
kulak as a class,?that is, to eradicate those groups of the village
population that were capable of challenging the regime and putting
up resistance to its policies. |
social stratification of the peasantry, 1927
social categories |
million people |
percent |
all peasants |
108 |
100 |
poor peasants |
21.1 |
19.5 |
middle peasants |
81.0 |
75 |
prosperous peasants (kulaks) |
5.9 |
5.5 |
the
second, socioeconomic, reason was to create on the basis of small
and low-productive individual peasant farmsteads large-scale
socialist collective farms. it would be much easier to exercise
direct administrative control over large collectivized farms than
over twenty-five million individual farmsteads. the new
state-controlled agricultural units would be unaffected by the
vagaries of market forces and would generate profits that could be
ploughed back into the development of heavy industry.
in
less than two years, starting in november 1929, the regime used the
army and the police to remove from villages by force all groups of
the peasant population capable of resisting collectivization. the 揹ekulakization,?
as it was known, was ostensibly directed against the kulaks and
successful middle peasants, who were usually the more hard-working
and industrious of villagers. in real life, the line between
different groups of peasants was not always clear-cut, and many
middle and even poor peasants fell victim to arbitrary
dekulakization. the property of the kulaks, including their houses,
was confiscated, while they themselves were arrested and transported
with their families under duress into remote and inhospitable
regions of the north and siberia. historians estimate that 1.1
million peasant households were liquidated in this manner, with over
a third of that number of dekulakized families forcefully resettled.
the peasants rebelled, killed communists and collective farm bosses,
slaughtered cattle, burned down collective-farm property, or fled to
the cities. however, as all political opposition had been routed,
intimidated, or demoralized, there were no forces capable of
transforming these spontaneous eruptions of popular discontent into
an organized revolt and providing it with leadership. millions of
peasants showed their passive resistance by fleeing to towns: in
1931 alone over four million people voted with their feet against
collectivization. the rest of the peasants were induced by force or
cajolement to join collective farms, where they had to work for a
pittance. on the whole, the tragic saga of collectivization was over
by the mid-1930s. by the end of 1939 collective and state farms had
integrated 93 percent of all peasant households.